Greece's antidote to the expansionist NATO poison and Article 5 of the NATO treaty is to sign military alliances with Western cities, Western movements, Western individuals, Western minorities, Western businesses, and Western cultural associations.
It must provide them with guarantees that it will protect them through military might. Based on this fundamental axiom, a global anti-Western alliance must be forged.
All members of the global anti-Western alliance will consider any NATO action against individuals, parties, religions, communities, or cities as a declaration of war against them. Obviously, this also applies to a state that is under attack from NATO.
Greek strategic planners must uproot from their minds the erroneous perception that defensive alliances are signed only between states.
To dismantle the NATO terrorist organization, broad segments of Western populations and communities outside Europe must clash with it. If states clash as well, so much the better. But it is not mandatory. We do not need to wait for a Western state to extricate itself from NATO.
We must provide security guarantees even to individuals, communities, ethnic groups, minorities, parties, religions, and companies.
Populations that are negatively inclined towards the Western alliance will need training, financial support, organizational networking, communication support, and certainly defensive coverage.
Greece must generously provide them with assistance. Only this way will Greek society begin to understand the concept of forward defense and regional security, ideas that are unknown to the anti-Greek political establishment.
The people must understand that Greece must delineate and defend its strategic borders, which are broader and differ from its state borders.
Greece's first lines of defense against western, northern, eastern, and southern enemies must be located outside Greek borders. Quite far away. Within the territory of the current enemy or potential enemies. Battles must be fought outside Greek borders.
Since Greece lacks significant strategic depth internally to absorb a major external attack, it must acquire strategic depth externally.
For this reason, Greece must provide corresponding security guarantees to countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and gradually, through armed interventions and regime changes, expel the Western alliance from the rest of humanity.
The goal is to ensure that the Western alliance has no presence in the rest of humanity, neither in terms of trade exchanges, military presence, diplomatic presence, nor cultural presence.
The establishment of the concept of strategic autonomy among all strata of Greek society will result in our country weaning itself off foreign actors and developing its own strategic capabilities.
If Greece wants to copy something from the West, it is that it uses Ukraine as a forward outpost and as a first line of defense against Russia. Greece should do the same against the West, organizing and reinforcing forward outposts far from its own borders.
The developing strategic capabilities must align with the high strategic goals of a great power with a global role.
Greece must integrate into its strategic culture any disruptive innovation and reinstate any old practice that will give it an advantage over its competitors.
For example, regarding its maritime strategy, Greece should reinstate letters of marque and legalize privateering against hostile fleets through private ships in order to exponentially increase its naval fleet.
Privately-owned fleets, evidently or covertly protected by Greece, will be enlisted as force multipliers of Greek naval power. Legislatively sanctioned privateers were a maritime institution that lasted for nearly 1000 years in Europe.
Furthermore, Greece must acquire special legislation that allows for the establishment of special purpose companies for its demographic, cultural, economic, and territorial expansion. Just as the British East India Company once existed, Greece should establish many such companies which will be governed by a special legal regime and enjoy special military and commercial privileges. They will have private armies through which Greek geoeconomic and geopolitical interests will expand worldwide. And when necessary, they will conduct wars on behalf of Greece as state-like companies.
The strategic principle that must permeate all long-term power redistribution plans is that Greece does not seek a balance of power against the Western alliance. It seeks full domination—initially balance, then superiority, and ultimately domination. Total domination. Full spectrum dominance.
It is inconceivable that Greece does not possess reverse engineering facilities to copy and reproduce foreign military technology. On one hand, to condense the time for producing Greek weapon systems, and on the other, to reduce manufacturing costs. Instead, it purchases expensive foreign platforms.
It is well-known that the "strategy" of the Euro-vassals regarding armaments focuses on serving foreign and not Greek defense interests.
However, this does not constitute a good excuse for the prolonged disarmament of modern Hellenism. If we expect the vassals to defend Greece, we will perish as a nation.
The delineation of Greek strategy is a multidimensional affair. It embraces the demographic sector, the economy, the industry, the diplomacy, the religion, the culture, the education, the military academies, the mass media, the public health, among others.
Greek strategy must be shaped by the people. The populace should not wait for decaying and un-Hellenic Euro-vassals to save them.
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