Our motherland, Hellas, is under foreign and domestic occupation, and she calls to us for a Sacred War for her national liberation. The deposition of the occupational regime shall be achieved by any means. The political body of the national revolution, in all of its actions, has as a target the creation of primary Law and the abolition of the legitimacy of the occupation.
The successful insurrection of the people requires the cessation of all relations with the old regime, our ritualistic initiation into the struggle of national liberation, and our spiritual rebirth.
The gravitation of persons toward the political body of the national revolution requires four basic elements: the abolition of the old political axis (i.e., rightism, centrism, leftism), the acceptance of the nation of the Hellenes as the fundamental political subject, the revolution itself as the fundamental method of combat for liberty, and the construction of parallel state structures and zones of freedom before we even seize power.
The pivotal cause for the current decline of the Hellenes is the lack of ethnocentrism. The xenomania, or the lustfulness for all things foreign, is destroying us.
The political body of the national revolution will defend Hellenism in all of its manifestations: the Hellenic nation, the Hellenic religion, the Hellenic race, the Hellenic civilization, the ancient Hellenic language, the Hellenic currency, the Hellenic productive base, the Hellenic body of science and technology, the Hellenic working class and peasantry, the Hellenic entrepreneurial class, the Hellenic expatriates, Hellenic mineral wealth, the enslaved lands of Hellenism, the Hellenic sphere of ideas and the Hellenic ethos, Hellenic craftsmanship and aestheticism, the independence of the Hellenic nation-state, and national and popular sovereignty.
We think in terms of eternity. Hellenic continuity means the reproduction of our biological and cultural heritage, unadulterated from foreign intermingling. Having an eternal vision enables us to reject ideological reductions. All of the elements of our ideology are Hellenic in nature. For us, the lack of faith in the inexhaustible forces of Hellenism is a criminal offense.
The supreme moral value of the political body of the national revolution is the collective survival of the Hellenic nation by any means. For us to survive in the harsh conditions of globalization, we must have as a fundamental principle our differentiation from other peoples and cultures and the fight against assimilation, which erodes our national orientation like a social plague.
We will fight for all of the highest Hellenic values: eternity, destiny, diversity, uniqueness, exclusivity, and the continuity of the Hellenic race.
We have a duty to reconstruct a Hellenic State the very moment the Roman-like pseudo-state is dissolved, along with its social structures and constitutional legitimacy. Legislative, judicial and executive powers no longer subsist.
The greatest crime in our current era that we must prevent is the assimilation of our people into a collapsing political regime, and into the European Union. The governments after the regime change of 1974 (the metapolitefsi) and the European Union have been trying to annihilate the Hellenic nation through policies of assimilation in the European federal state.
Whoever submits to runaway institutions such as the occupational parliament is committing crimes against future generations. Claiming power in parliamentary terms amid foreign occupation is tantamount to a rejection of the concept of a foreign occupation.
We cannot liberate ourselves under the existing state and constitutional framework. The parliamentary road requires obedience to the legitimacy of the occupation, that which we are obliged to overthrow. We view the struggle for liberty and the successor situation as a negation and discontinuity of the existing anti-Hellenic pseudo-state.
Political struggle within the constricting legal framework of memorandum-ridden Hellas means accepting that Hellas is a protectorate of the Fourth Reich. If the liberation of Hellas is not achieved through unilateral actions, then there is no way for a unilateral erasure of unlawful debt due to the continuity of the state; and the international right of intervention in our land by foreign creditors is consequently recognized due to international commitments.
Western parliamentarism as a form of government, and euro-lackeyism as a political ideology, are modern plagues because they replicate oligarchic, hereditary political corruption. Our only option is to revolt, stating that we are a discontinuity of the collapsing regime, and that we do not recognize any international commitments which were signed by the occupational government(s).
As revolutionaries of the national revolution, we will organize in a party; in a revolutionary party.
Why a party and not a front or a movement? A front is a temporary, relaxed, casual alliance of dissimilar ideological elements and with a limited political horizon. A movement is a scattered, headless, undisciplined figure with limited combat capabilities. A party stands at a higher organizational and ideological level than a front and a movement. The revolutionary party of the national liberation requires discipline, organization and hierarchy. No one enters as he or she pleases, and no one leaves as he or she wishes. A probationary period is required for a candidate to become a full member. The political body of the national revolution will have an internal civil and penal law, independent of the occupational juridical system. The oath-taking of members will be conducted with a special ritual.
The party of the national revolution will have a political, social, cultural, and military wing.
The party will function as a constituent national assembly, as an organized incarnation of the national idea, as a teacher of the Hellenic people, as a headquarters of war, as a school for revolutionaries, as a school for leaders, as a think-tank, as a revolutionary government, as a state within a state, as an incarnation of a belligerent nation, and as an executive, legislative, and judicial power of the Hellenic people.
The selection and promotion of executives and leaders requires capabilities of dedicated officials in time of generalized war.
Direct aims of the political body of the national revolution are the following: to forge an ethno-racial solidarity, to enhance the demographic growth of our people, to lead the battle against the political, biological and cultural assimilation of the Hellenic nation, to issue the national currency under conditions of foreign occupation, and to undertake teaching responsibilities at all school levels.
The process of political assimilation in the occupational regime begins with the declaration of submission to the court of the occupational regime, with the acquisition of the ΑΦΜ (Taxpayer Registration Number) by the tax authorities of the occupational government, with the obligatory opening of a bank account in a financial system controlled by the occupier so as to spy on us, and with the law's recognition toward parties fond of the occupier.
We must deny all of these actions which signify submission to the occupational political system and its incorporation, and we must simultaneously create our own state structures and our own legitimacy. We will create zones of freedom existing outside of the occupational state power.
It is not enough to refuse to pay taxes to the occupier, you must legislate your own tax code, regardless of the tax laws of the occupier. Only then will you acquire the consciousness of a free person, patriot and revolutionary.
The struggle for national liberation, from its inception, has as a target the organization of its own schools, its own civil courts, its own financial institutions, its own business registers, in order to differentiate in all aspects our social activities from the occupational regime. The struggle also requires obtaining a separate ΑΦΜ (Taxpayer Registration Number) from what has already been set for us by our occupier, authoring our own historical books, organizing our own hospitals and nurseries, acquiring our own central bank with issuing prerogative, authoring our own civil code and penal procedure, our own courts, and our own militia, all before we seize power.
We will completely secede from the occupational regime. We will destroy any capability it would have to oppress us.
To crush the enemies of the nation, we must become familiar with the new forms and conditions of non-military warfare: cyber warfare, operations of psychological warfare, techniques of civil disobedience, unlimited warfare, social engineering, memes, religious warfare, collective cultural information, monetary warfare, asymmetrical threats from non-state actors.
The struggle for national liberation draws inexhaustible strength from the Hellenic cultural movement. We need to popularize the concept of the cultural war. It is not enough to strengthen Hellenic cultural values, we must undermine all stereotypes and infamous moral values produced by enemies of Hellenism.
The collective regimes after the regime change of 1974 (the metapolitefsi) had promoted and continue to promote moral relativism, irresponsibility, materialism, oblivion, quantity, and leveling. Contrarily, we promote moral absolutism, responsibility, the spirit, the future, collective memory, quality, and hierarchy.
Hylozoism, the animate and living nature, endogamy, holistic medicine, and spiritual and tribal aristocracy as core values differentiate us completely from our political opponents.
We are the continuity of our ancient Hellenic ancestors, the continuity of the incomplete National Revolution of 1821. Hellenic continuity is achieved only when we leave a sacred legacy to the future generations of Hellenes.
The sacred struggle for national liberation does not only aim at the liberty of present-day Hellas. Lost lands do not exist. Unforgotten lands do not exist. Enslaved lands, however, do exist and await for us to liberate them. In Cyprus, Northern Epirus, Thrace, Macedonia, Pontus, and Ionia, Hellas has obligations. It is impermissible for us to be indifferent in regard to the territories and populations under occupation. Nor is it permissible to be indifferent to the resurgence of neo-Ottomanism. The vision of an independent Hellenic State was not completed in 1821, not even territorially, culturally, nor demographically.
We rid ourselves of the yoke of a Roman-like pseudo-state which for decades has been an opponent of Hellenism, by appropriating the ever-ancient symbols of the Hellenic race: the 16-pointed star of the sacred Macedonian city of Aigai and the double-sided Delphic Epsilon, as symbols of our political body which give meaning to our national revolution.
Hellenism has a duty to exceed the narrow state boundaries, to expand its national and cultural borders, and to become a universal ideology that will prevail over its pre-eternal enemies.
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